
Editorials
May 28, 1999
The Governors Surrogates
"When his leadership might have
helped break an impasse, the
Governor was a no-show at the Capitol."
The Legislature was two weeks from its May 31 conclusion and Governor Bush was nowhere to be seen, preferring to let his legislative aide Terral Smith watch the Lege for him. The Governor never even showed up during the one day when his presence might have made a critical difference on May 14, when Democrats shut down the Senate for nine hours in a failed attempt to revive the Hate Crimes Bill.
Lieutenant Governor Rick Perry got involved only after Corpus
Christi Democratic Senator Carlos Truan convinced him he might
be able to negotiate a compromise between Senate Democrats and
Republicans. The Governor, however, was nowhere to be seen (although
he did send his criminal justice advisor, Vance McMahan, to participate
in the failed, day-long negotiations on hate crimes).
Bush sent the Senate some compromise language, lifted from the
federal Hate Crimes Bill signed into law by his father. But Senate
Republicans rejected that, too. When his leadership might have
helped break an impasse and get the Senate back to work on a
day when hundreds of bills died because of the shutdown the
Governor was a no-show at the Capitol. He was across the street
at the Mansion, meeting with Michigan Governor John Engler and
a delegation of Michigan Republicans who came to Austin to endorse
Bushs presidential campaign.
The Governor did jump into one important policy debate late in
the session. But he didnt exactly show up, opting instead to
send Terral Smith to a late-night session of the House State Affairs
Committee, where Smith attempted to kill a pro-consumer amendment
added to an electric utility deregulation bill that, like the
Governor, has been kept under wraps for most of the session. The
amendment, added to the bill by Houston Democrat Kevin Bailey,
would shift some of the financial burden of stranded costs (the
huge debt held by electric utilities) from residential ratepayers
to industrial and commercial ratepayers.
Smith was openly working the committee, up and down the dais,
trying to get Baileys amendment off, a lobbyist said. On the
following day Bailey was still angry. The amendment would ensure
that residential consumers would not pay a disproportionate share
of stranded costs, Bailey said in an interview on the House floor.
They have loaded this bill with almost $9 billion in stranded
costs, up from about $4 or $5 billion in the original bill. Under
the bill, as originally conceived, close to 75 percent of those
costs would be borne [by the electric bills of] residential ratepayers.
My amendment just evens it out. Its now fifty-fifty. Its about
fairness. Their position is about greed. Greedy corporate interests
who want to pile rates on the residential ratepayers.
Bailey said Smiths lobbying was excessive, but not unprecedented.
They got a right to do it, I guess. But its clear. Theyre siding
with the rich industrialists.
The amendment stayed on, as three of the Republicans on State
Affairs Paul Hilbert, Kim Brimer, and Kenny Marchant voted
with the Democrats. Bailey was even angrier when he heard that
the Governor had described the bill as good public policy, except
for one amendment, which threatens to derail the whole process.
Every residential ratepayer in the state, Bailey said, ought to be aware of what the Governor is trying to do. L.D.